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&#13;
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                <text>Stuart Christie (2011): 'Rue Léon-Jouhaux, 1970: studio apartment of Ariane Gransac and her partner Octavio Alberola (with yours truly in the mirror). Octavio, coordinator of the clandestine Defensa Interior (D.I.) betwen 1962 and 1964 when it was disowned and sabotaged by the exiled CNT leadership of Germinal Esgleas and Vicente Llansola (subsequently morphing into the First of May Group), was considered at the time to be Franco's Public Eenemy No.1. His dad, José Alberola, a highly regarded anarchist writer and teacher, was murdered by four men in his Mexico City flat on 1 May 1967, the anniversary of the kidnapping in Rome of Mgr Marcos Ussia, Franco's ecclesiastical envoy to the Vatican.'</text>
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                <text>Stuart Christie (2011): '1970 (summer): from 1969 to 1971 I was working long hours [and well-paid] for the then William Press &amp; Son engineering company, converting North London and the Home Counties from town gas to natural gas. It was a period that coincided with a peak in the Europe-wide anti-Francoist and anti-US/Vietnam War activities of the anarchist ‘First of May Group’ and the birth of the so-called ‘Angry Brigade’. I was the chargehand on D28, the van in this photo, and thereby hang a number of tales. The following account is from ‘Edward Heath Made Me Angry’:&#13;
&#13;
“The police ‘leaked’ a story to the Daily Express [about Europe-wide non-lethal attacks on aeroplanes and properties of Iberia Airlines and other Francoist institutions]. The man responsible, according to ‘police sources,’ was a person readily identifiable as yours truly. Unfortunately, libel actions are only a rich man’s way of getting richer. Had I been Randolph Churchill I could have walked off with enough money to live without working for the rest of my life. As it was, I continued converting the Home Counties — to Natural Gas — and limited my response to a statement issued through my lawyer, Ben Birnberg, denying any involvement in the actions. On the afternoon in question, I had been at a garden party at the home of two close friends up Crouch Hill, Valerie and Graham Packham. One of my ‘alibis’ was a senior police officer who lived next door.&#13;
&#13;
Almost a fortnight after the attacks on the Iberia planes another incident occurred on 22 May that was to mark the emergence of what was to become known as the ‘Angry Brigade.’ It was the discovery of a small explosive device with a timing device on the building site of the high security police station in Paddington.&#13;
&#13;
Coincidentally, the previous week had seen the spectacular escape of Andreas Baader from Tegel Prison in West Germany. This was the birth of the ‘Red Army Fraktion,’ the RAF. If astrology was involved in this conjuncture — which also saw the first Weather Underground communiqué in the States and their bombing of New York City’s Police Headquarters — the people in these groups must have been born on very different cusps, as they were to evolve in very different ways.&#13;
&#13;
Things began to heat up in the early summer of 1970. On my way home from Harrow on the Hill one evening— it was in the run up to the June elections — I became aware that I was being followed in what appeared to be a fairly substantial surveillance operation either by the police or MI5’s ‘Watchers’ from Euston Tower in Gower Street. Knowing I was being shadowed made it relatively easy for me to lose them around the back streets of Wembley and Willesden, and I didn’t think much more of it — until the same thing happened the following day.&#13;
&#13;
While driving out of our base at the North Thames Gas Board yard at Harrow-on-the-Hill, I noticed a green car following me. My normal route took me through the back doubles of North London to get home to Finsbury Park. This routine was to avoid the rush-hour traffic rather than MI5’s cloak and dagger men from Gower Street. I knew this part of London like the back of my hand, having converted most of it to Natural Gas so I took my followers on a Cook’s tour of the Betjemanesque suburbs, during the course of which I discovered that I had at least three cars and two motorcyclists tailing me. Wherever I went the lambs were sure to follow. Failing to shake them, I eventually ended up driving along Finchley Road at a mere fifteen miles an hour, with the surveillance cars and motorcycles following me like a funeral procession with outriders. If I had had a passenger I would have got him to walk in front of the car, hat in hand.&#13;
&#13;
When we got to Highgate Hill the traffic into London from the A1 and M1 motorway had built up.&#13;
&#13;
Suddenly, the Devil made me pull out and accelerate into the oncoming northbound traffic, pulling into the correct lane when a gap presented itself, or forced to by large lorries heading straight for me. The Hillman Hunters decided not to pursue me. A few minutes later I was in the back streets of Archway and heading for home, taking care to park my car streets away from our flat. My official address was the old office of the Anarchist Black Cross, which we had given up, but I still had a key and collected our mail every other day.&#13;
&#13;
The next day when I arrived at work, a cavalcade of cars and vans were parked all around my sector. I thought at first that it might have something to do with the election, but no — it was the ‘watchers. … ‘&#13;
&#13;
‘…One day I cracked a joke to my shop steward and unit manager about the increased surveillance, but they didn’t believe me — at first. Then they checked for themselves and reported back on the two-way radio that they had counted six parked Hillman Hunters and Minxes with similarly sequenced registration plates on my conversion sector, occupied by what were obviously plainclothes policemen or spooks. There were also two motorcyclists in the area — with green army bikes, green army-issue crash helmets and heavy-duty military raincoats.&#13;
&#13;
Gerry, my foreman, laughed and said that I was being paranoid. Jokingly I suggested we swap cars for the night [I had a Ford Corsair GT 2000E]. It was Monday and the sector was not a particularly difficult one, so I left early and managed to drive off in Gerry’s car [a flash Daimler Sovereign] without being spotted by the waiting column of undercover cars. Gerry returned to the Harrow base in my car and then went on to a pub. Surprise, surprise — he found he was being followed. This time the procession was tailing him. First they waited outside the pub, from there they followed him to the Chinese restaurant and waited outside until he finally went home — at one in the morning.&#13;
&#13;
For three weeks after that I used up every trick ever seen in a B film, including lying on the floor of the William Press van and being driven to my car which had been parked up in a helpful lady’s garage four or five miles away (I had converted her appliances on a previous sector) and more fast car chases around the North Circular Road. Every Gas Board contractor in Harrow on the Hill — and there were hundreds of us — knew the men in the Hillman Hunters and, occasionally, to be different, a Triumph Vitesse, were policemen and would constantly wind them up by asking for the time, ‘officer’. They had the time all right. What they didn’t have — for a while — was the opportunity.&#13;
&#13;
They finally brought in a van with mirrored one-way windows and observation vents side and top, which they parked in front of my van. When this arrived I promptly turned my van round so they could only see our rear. Even so, all they could have learned was how to convert gas appliances, play poker and tell jokes. It may seem incredible to the seasoned reporter, though readily acceptable to the general reader, that the First of May Group had no plans to blow up Harrow School, and the police had no reason to watch me at work on a William Press’s conversion van.&#13;
&#13;
One thing that drove the police crazy at this time was that after a week of following the Corsair, I started turning up for work every Monday morning in a brand new car. Sometimes I changed my car twice or three times in a week. The police couldn’t understand what was going on.&#13;
&#13;
What had happened was that a friend — a member of the People Show, an improvising radical theatre troupe — had a day job managing the Hertz Rental office at Luton airport, and he was providing my car fleet. The police went to Luton to question my friend as to who was renting these cars, claiming they had been used in a spate of bank robberies in the London area, but he refused to tell them anything unless they provided a court order, which they never did.&#13;
&#13;
It took them almost six weeks to discover where I lived. They watched and waited until I left for work one morning, then they made their move. Having watched me leave, they sent a woman detective to ring the doorbell…’ But that’s another story entirely.'</text>
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                <text>Stuart Christie (2011): 'Time Out Offices (Kings Cross). Acquitted after the then longest 'criminal' trial of the twentieth century (109 days), the so-called 'Angry Brigade' trial. In the picture are left to right at the table: Kate McLean, Angela Weir, SC, and Brenda Earl; standing, l/r is an Evening Standard journalist (forgotten his name), Chris Broad (owner of 29 Grosvenor Avenue, a Women's Liberation/ agitprop house which the police claimed was the hub of the 'conspiracy'), beside him the wonderful Ben Birnberg, my solicitor, and Jeni Styring, his articled clerk. Those who weren't so lucky — John Barker, Hilary Creek, Jim Greenfield and &lt;a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anna_Mendelssohn"&gt;Anna Mendlessohn&lt;/a&gt; (now sadly deceased) were each sentenced to 10 years. In an earlier trial Ian Purdie was acquitted and Jake Prescott (now also deceased) was sentenced to 15 years (reduced to ten after our trial) That same evening, Bond and his bespectacled acolyte Habershon held a forty-minute press conference at Scotland Yard. One observer aptly described it as ‘the police equivalent of standing on the corpse’ — a public relations operation to justify all their illegal and questionable actions prior to the trial and to seek a public ‘mandate’ for the stepping up of their onslaught on civil liberties. Tony Smythe, General Secretary of the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL), described their aim as an attempt ‘to exploit the aftermath of the trial in a way likely to encourage unnecessary public alarm.’ Crime reporters from the national press were welcomed as long-lost friends. The affection with which DS Habershon greeted Daily Mirror crime hack Tom Tullet was cringe-making. ‘Good to see you, Tom,’ said Habershon, vigorously pumping his hand and smiling. No thoughtful, in-depth pieces from the Daily Mirror then. Bond and Habershon named two more people they wanted to interview in connection with Angry Brigade bombings while we were inside: Gerry Osner and Sarah Poulikakou, both of whom were living abroad at the time. In spite of the jury’s verdicts, Habershon and Bond remained adamant that everyone who had stood in the dock was guilty. As evil Sheriff Little Bill Daggett in Clint Eastwood’s classic western, Unforgiven, says of another of his many innocent victims — ‘Innocent of what?’ In reply to a protest by one of the journalists, Bond said: ‘How do we know that the eight did not do it?’ He made various unflattering comments about the eight of us as a whole, and a pointed reference about me in particular: ‘The evidence presented during the trial showed quite clearly the defendant’s international links. The explosives came from France and Christie had contacts there and in Spain ... Christie has admitted being an anarchist.’ Someone interjected: ‘But that is not the same as being a member of the Angry Brigade.’ Bond answered, ‘What’s the difference?’ As far as he was concerned, all the eight people charged were militant members of the Angry Brigade, including me. And in a way he was right. The construction the judge had put on conspiracy meant that everyone was guilty. A.T. Sandrock, a Daily Telegraph crime correspondent immediately suggested the remark should be off the record. ‘I am sure we can’t quote you on that, Ernie!’ Bond took the hint and agreed. But for the rest of his life Bond continued to make similar comments and harboured a deep resentment towards us. Interviewed in 2002 by Martin Bright of The Observer he recalled: ‘They were a cunning lot, the Angry Brigade, well wrapped up in that anarchist movement. They were belligerent and very “anti” and there was no sense that they were sorry for what they had done. Right from the start there were allegations that we’d planted this and planted that. It was the most disgraceful trial I’ve ever seen in my experience.’ Methinks Ernie protested too much! There was no victory for either side, and no defeat either. The only victory was for the jury system itself. The jury had carried the day by showing that trials are about justice as well as law. By rejecting much of the prosecution case the jury had shown that the conduct of Bond and Habershon’s officers had left something to be desired. The judges and the politico-legal establishment were appalled at just how close all of us in the dock had come to being acquitted — in their view, in defiance of the law and in blatant disregard of the evidence. That would have been disastrous. The jury — as John Barker described it, ‘the critically intelligent citizenry in action’ — had responded positively by acquitting half of us, and asking for clemency for the remaining four. Our trial also put getting rid of juries altogether firmly on the state’s agenda The Lord Chancellor, Lord Hailsham, ordered an immediate post-trial inquiry — which took place between 14 December 1972 and 17 January 1973 — to ‘learn the lessons of the case and to prevent a similar outcome arising in future,’ particularly with regard to jury selection (Public Records Office PREM15/1735). It was another governmental nail in the coffin of the jury system. Never again would defendants be allowed to choose a jury of their peers. Also thereafter, most major trials of a political nature were held outside London, in places such as the commuter belt of Winchester, where the Crown could be reasonably certain of a comfortably middle-class jury list to ensure the conviction of the enemies of the state. Winchester Crown Court happens to be the only Crown Court in England where the majority of the population is employed by the Ministry of Defence. The most famous example being the 1973 trial of the Winchester Eight — Dolours and Marian Price, Gerry Kelly, Hugh Feeney and four others. The eight IRA members were sentenced to life imprisonment, plus twenty years, for the Old Bailey and Great Scotland Yard Police Station bombings in Whitehall in March 1973. One person died and around 200 were injured in the Old Bailey blast. The last trial in Winchester that I recall was that of three IRA members charged in 1988 with the attempted murder of Tom King, the then Minister of Defence.'</text>
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                <text>Stuart Christie (2011): 'Ariane Gransac, &lt;a href="https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/m37qpw?fbclid=IwAR3teHkY3_dr1Dutig2ULbFPgqogivHLZ5kemlLJSnlS0OwzJRhKUVHKW3Y"&gt;Antonio Téllez Solà&lt;/a&gt; and Brenda. Téllez, a “ladies’ man” if there ever was one, had been regaling us with tales of the extraordinary exploits of his late departed pet guppy (which disappeared down the bath plughole), along with equally hard-to-believe stories of the soon-to-be-murdered Laureano Cerrada Santos in the Parisian underworld — all while his pet Macaw provided a raucous background soundtrack of abusive invective…'</text>
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                  <text>The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) was founded in the late 1950s by Bertrand Russell and J.B Priestly. While the initial group was formed by establishment intellectuals, the CND rapidly morphed into a cross-class movement. After Britain exploded its first megaton hydrogen bomb on Christmas Island in 1957, anti-nuclear groups gained hundreds and thousands of new members. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As a young teen, Stuart became involved in the anti-nuclear Committee of 100. A split from the ‘celebrity-and-politician dominated’ CND, the Committee of 100 mobilised against nuclear armament and militarism with direct action. This collection includes bits of ephemera and leaflets handed out on anti-nuclear demonstrations by the CND and C100. Also included in t&lt;span&gt;his collection is the original 'Spies for Peace' mimeograph which was handed out on the 1963 Aldermaston March. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>'WAR! IS THE HEALTH OF ALL STATES', Glasgow Anarchist Federation</text>
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&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) was founded in the late 1950s by Bertrand Russell and J.B Priestly. While the initial group was formed by establishment intellectuals, the CND rapidly morphed into a cross-class movement. After Britain exploded its first megaton hydrogen bomb on Christmas Island in 1957, anti-nuclear groups gained hundreds and thousands of new members. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As a young teen, Stuart became involved in the anti-nuclear Committee of 100. A split from the ‘celebrity-and-politician dominated’ CND, the Committee of 100 mobilised against nuclear armament and militarism with direct action. This collection includes bits of ephemera and leaflets handed out on anti-nuclear demonstrations by the CND and C100. Also included in t&lt;span&gt;his collection is the original 'Spies for Peace' mimeograph which was handed out on the 1963 Aldermaston March. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="#_ftnref1"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>After Stuart was acquitted by jury in the Angry Brigade trial, he made the decision, following a ‘tip off’ from a special branch officer, to leave London. In 1974,  after a judicious period of exile in rural Yorkshire, Stuart and Brenda headed to Orkney, where their daughter, Branwen, was born. Here, with the help of Brenda, Meltzer and others, he set up the ‘Cienfuegos’ Publishing House, where he translated and published a number of elusive Spanish texts. Prisoner solidarity work with the Black Cross would also continue. By the mid-1970s, the Anarchist Black Cross and Cienfuegos Press had taken on a much broader internationalist remit, aiding political prisoners with parcels, letters and donations not only in Spain, but in France, West Germany, Italy, and Northern Ireland. </text>
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                  <text>After Stuart was acquitted by jury in the Angry Brigade trial, he made the decision, following a ‘tip off’ from a special branch officer, to leave London. In 1974,  after a judicious period of exile in rural Yorkshire, Stuart and Brenda headed to Orkney, where their daughter, Branwen, was born. Here, with the help of Brenda, Meltzer and others, he set up the ‘Cienfuegos’ Publishing House, where he translated and published a number of elusive Spanish texts. Prisoner solidarity work with the Black Cross would also continue. By the mid-1970s, the Anarchist Black Cross and Cienfuegos Press had taken on a much broader internationalist remit, aiding political prisoners with parcels, letters and donations not only in Spain, but in France, West Germany, Italy, and Northern Ireland. </text>
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                  <text>Black Flag magazine was established in 1970 as the mouthpiece of Anarchist Black Cross. After returning from imprisonment in Spain in 1967, Stuart Christie refounded the Anarchist Black Cross (the ABC) with Albert Meltzer. With its initial premises set up in Coptic Street in London,  the ABC provided a support network for Franco’s anarchist prisoners while also operating a ‘Spanish Liberation fund’ to subsidise activist groups throughout the country. Its activity was divided into two tasks; first to provide material support, in the form of ‘food parcels and medical supplies’, and latterly to aid the Spanish Resistance movement with ‘everything it needs, including ‘[print] duplicators, typewriters and guns’. </text>
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                <text>'By comparison, the Anarchist Black Cross remains the most&#13;
potentially dangerous of all anarchist factions, as it advocates&#13;
individual acts of violence by its members. Led by Stuart CHRISTIE&#13;
and Albert MELTZER, the group maintains links with arerchist&#13;
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group's views do not usually manifest themselves in public protest,&#13;
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proclaiming support for the Murray Defence Group.' p.46.&#13;
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://www.ucpi.org.uk/"&gt;https://www.ucpi.org.uk/&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>A collection of ephemera, pamphlets, photos and personal correspondence on the anarchist and anti-Francoist resistance in Spain.&#13;
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&#13;
Persons mentioned: Luís Andrés Edo, Juan Busquets, Alain Pecunia,&#13;
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                <text>Archivo: &lt;a href="https://fal.cnt.es/"&gt;Fundación Anselmo Lorenzo&lt;/a&gt;, Madrid</text>
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                  <text>A collection of ephemera, pamphlets, photos and personal correspondence on the anarchist and anti-Francoist resistance in Spain.&#13;
&#13;
This collection includes letters written by Stuart from the Spanish prison of Alcalá de Henares in 1967 and received by his friend, Ross Flett. Stuart was transferred from Carabanchel prison to Alcalá following an aborted escape plan with his co-conspirator, cellmate and CNT member Luís Andrés Edo. These letters include references to his campaign for release, letter smuggling, the First of May Group and the machine gunning of Grosvenor Square.&#13;
&#13;
Persons mentioned: Luís Andrés Edo, Juan Busquets, Alain Pecunia,&#13;
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                <text>Clippings of Spanish state documents relating to Stuart's arrest (1964)</text>
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                  <text>Angry Brigade and Persons Unknown</text>
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                  <text>This collection includes pamphlets, press commentary, and police reports relating to the trials of the 'Angry Brigade' (1972) and 'Persons Unknown' (1978-79). In 1972, eight activists, drawn mainly from the milieu of the libertarian left, appeared at the Old Bailey on charges of conspiracy. According to the British police authorities, these activists belonged to the so-called 'Angry Brigade', a clandestine, armed terror group responsible for a string of bomb attacks between 1970 and 1972. Stuart stood on trial as one of the eight that were accused because of the number of explosive incidents that were focused on Spanish targets.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1978, the 'Persons Unknown' case put pressure on Christie yet again, as the Special Branch and the newly formed Anti-Terrorist Squad arrested five anarchists on the charge of 'conspiracy to cause explosions'. The arrests were co-ordinated by Inspector Roy Cremer, one of the lead detectives on the Angry Brigade case. Cremer's attention focused on Ronan Benett, an Irish anarchist, who had recently left Long Kesh prison in the North of Ireland (following a successful appeal for the murder of a Belfast policeman). Arriving in England shortly after his release, Bennett made contact with the Anarchist Black Cross, having become interested in anarchism during his time in prison.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The evidence with which the five anarchists were charged was spurious, to say the least. After eighteen months of imprisonment (on remand), the jury decided to acquit all the defendants. For a concise look at the Persons Unknown trial, see &lt;a href="https://christiebooks.co.uk/2015/03/the-persons-unknown-case-order-in-the-court-stuart-christie-city-limits-january-1980/"&gt;Stuart Christie's 1980 report in City Limits.&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Stoke Newington 8 Defence Group, 'A Political Statement' (1972)</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://thesparrowsnest.org.uk/"&gt;The Sparrow's Nest&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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        <name>Angela Weir</name>
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        <name>Angry Brigade</name>
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        <name>First of May Group</name>
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      <tag tagId="192">
        <name>Hilary Creek</name>
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      <tag tagId="247">
        <name>Jake Prescott</name>
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      <tag tagId="249">
        <name>Jim Greenfield</name>
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      <tag tagId="191">
        <name>John Barker</name>
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      <tag tagId="248">
        <name>Kate MacLean</name>
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        <name>Mutual Aid</name>
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      <tag tagId="160">
        <name>Prisoner defence</name>
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        <name>Stoke Newington 8</name>
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        <name>Stuart Christie</name>
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        <src>https://stuartchristie.maydayrooms.org/files/original/083b9c18765c37e3c7043bed032734e6.pdf</src>
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                  <text>British Anarchism, 1960-1968&#13;
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                  <text>Ephemera, posters, and periodicals produced by the British anarchist movement in the 1960s. This collection includes copies of &lt;em&gt;&lt;a href="https://freedompress.org.uk/"&gt;Freedom &lt;/a&gt;&lt;/em&gt;and &lt;em&gt;Anarchy. Both&lt;/em&gt; publications were published by Freedom Press, the oldest and largest anarchist publishing house in Britain, with its roots in the continental anarchist emigre networks of the 1880s.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the 1960s, Freedom became a source of intense conflict within the British anarchist movement. Vernon Richards, the owner and editor of the publishing house, was at the centre of the controversy. Following the garroting of &lt;a href="https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/vhhp7d"&gt;two Spanish anarchists&lt;/a&gt; in 1963, &lt;span&gt; Richards wrote a column which argued that Franco's tourist boom was beneficial for Spain's working class. This was completely at odds with the tourism boycott supported by the (largely) exiled &lt;em&gt;Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), Spain's anarcho-syndicalist trade union&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Alongside &lt;em&gt;Freedom&lt;/em&gt;, this collection also features copies of &lt;em&gt;Direct Action&lt;/em&gt;, the paper of the Syndicalist Workers' Federation (the British contingent of the &lt;em&gt;International Workers' Association&lt;/em&gt;). Contrary to the line taken by Richards, the SWF supported the CNT's boycott of Spanish tourism. It was during the peak of the anti-tourism campaign, in the summer of 1964, when Stuart Christie moved to Notting Hill in London, which at the time had become an important local hub for CNT exiles. During his stay in London, the anti-tourism campaign in Britain escalated to include forms of direct action – mostly breaking windows - against Spanish travel agencies. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Through the SWF, Stuart was introduced to anarchist brothers Bernardo and Salvador (‘Salva’) Gurucharri. Salvador had participated in various clandestine missions to Francoist Spain and had only recently arrived in London following his release from Fresnes prison in Paris. In 1963, during the founding conference of the Anarchist Federation of Britain, Stuart suggested to Salva that he would like to ‘play a direct part in the resistance movement’ and was told to be ‘ready to travel on twenty-four hours notice’.
&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="#_ftnref1"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Various</text>
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                  <text>English</text>
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        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Anarchy, No.1 (1961)</text>
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                <text>With thanks to the &lt;a href="https://network23.org/library/2013/03/05/scanning-anarchy-index/"&gt;1in12 Club Library collective&lt;/a&gt; and Freedom Press for making these scans available.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1956">
                <text>March 1961</text>
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      <tag tagId="250">
        <name>Anarchy</name>
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      <tag tagId="251">
        <name>Colin Ward</name>
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      <tag tagId="252">
        <name>Education</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="163">
        <name>Freedom Press</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="253">
        <name>Theory</name>
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  </item>
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