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Later, after the social revolution of July 19 1936, the ten-year old Luis became not only a ‘child of the barricades’, but also a ‘son of the CENU’ (el Consell de l’Escola Nova Unificada), the successor rationalist schools to the Modern School launched by Francisco Ferrer I Guardia in 1901 (and forced to close in 1906). The education he received there and on the streets of revolutionary Barcelona was to prove life-changing. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luis’s working life began in 1939, at the age of 14, cleaning machinery and odd-jobbing with Spain’s National Railway company, RENFE, where he was apprenticed two years later as a locomotive engineer and, in 1941, aged 16, he affiliated to the underground anarcho-syndicalist labour union, the National Confederation of Labour (CNT). He remained with RENFE until 1946 when, after completing his apprenticeship at the age of 21, he was arrested and spent a short time in prison accused of ‘stealing potatoes’ from trains as part of the CNT’s ‘ food redistribution’ campaign during those years of terrible hunger. On his release he became a glassworker, manufacturing thermometers, a job that was to cause him serious and enduring health problems as a result of ingesting mercury and hydrofluoric acid. Luis was called up to do his National Service in October 1947, but by December he had had enough of Franco’s army and deserted, crossing clandestinely into France, still dressed in his military uniform. In 1952 he returned to Barcelona following a serious crackdown by the French authorities on the activities of the CNT in exile. This was the result of a bungled train robbery in Lyon the previous year in which three people were killed and nine others injured. Luis was not involved in the Lyon robbery, but the French police went out of their way to make life intolerable for all Spanish anarchist exiles at the time. Back in Spain Luis was arrested on desertion charges in August 1952 and was not freed until October 1953 when he was returned to the ranks —promptly deserting again early in 1954. Re-arrested, he served a further six months in the dungeons of the notorious Castillo de Figueres, a military prison in Gerona, after which, like so many others, he went into permanent exile in France where he threw himself whole-heartedly into the libertarian anti-Francoist resistance movement. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Paris in 1955, Luis became closely involved with &lt;a href="https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/z613wc"&gt;Laureano Cerrada Santos&lt;/a&gt;, another former RENFE employee and a key figure in the WWII anti-Nazi Resistance and escape and evasion networks. Cerrada was also a master forger and an influential figure in France’s criminal demi-monde, especially the Parisian and Marseilles milieux and was, undoubtedly, one of the most problematic, enigmatic and mysterious figures of the Spanish anarchist diaspora. It was Cerrada who, in 1947, had purchased a powerful US Navy Vedette speedboat used by the CNT’s defence committee to transport arms, propaganda and militants from France into Spain; he also purchased the plane used in the (unsuccessful) aerial attack on Franco’s yacht in San Sebastian in 1949. After the fallout from the Lyon robbery in 1951, however, Cerrada was expelled and ostracised by the official CNT for ‘bringing the organisation into disrepute’ because of his ‘criminal connections’. Cerrada had, in fact, been in custody in France on forgery charges for a month prior to the Lyon robbery. That cut no ice with the CNT National Committee in exile in Toulouse who wanted rid of all the ‘Apache’ elements in the organisation who threatened the legality of their comfortable existence in France. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Paris, Luis’s involvement with the Juventudes Libertarias, the Spanish anarchist youth organisation, also brought him into contact with most of the other well-known ‘faces’ of the anti-Franco Resistance, men such as ‘&lt;a href="https://libcom.org/article/sabate-llopart-francisco-el-quico-1915-1960"&gt;Quico’ Sabaté&lt;/a&gt;, the legendary urban guerrilla, and José Pascual Palacios of the CNT’s Defence Commission, the man responsible for coordinating all the action groups operating in Spain and described by Barcelona police chief Eduardo Quintela as Spain’s ‘Public enemy number one’. It was Luis who organised a meeting between ‘el Quico’ and the former Communist Party army general, ‘El Campesino’ at the latter’s request in 1959, shortly before Sabaté’s death at the hands of the Francoist security services. During this time in Paris he worked at the Alhambra Maurice Chevalier Theatre as assistant scene painter to Rafael Aguilera, the famous Andalusian artist from Ronda. What few people knew, however, was that Aguilera — a hero of the Spanish Civil War and the Resistance who had been imprisoned by the Nazis — was also responsible for maintaining an important arms deposit in Paris for the CNT Defence Commission. One of these caches was in his workshop in the attic of the Alhambra. When there was no work to be done in the theatre, Edo and Lucio Urtubia, a close friend and a protégé of Quico Sabaté, would clean and oil these weapons. On one dramatic occasion Lucio was conscientiously cleaning an old Mauser pistol when it went off in his hand, almost blowing Luis’s brains out. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By the early 1960s Luis was secretary of the Alianza Obrera (CNT-UGT-STV), propaganda secretary of the National Committee of the CNT, secretary of Paris Local Federation of the CNT, secretary general of the Peninsular Committee of the FIJL in Exile, and was closely involved with, among others, Octavio Alberola, García Oliver and Cipriano Mera in the setting up of Defensa Interior, the clandestine section of the Spanish Libertarian Movement in Exile (MLE). The function of Defensa Interior was to plan and implement subversive actions targeting the Francoist regime and to assassinate Franco himself; it was in this role that I first encountered Luis in Paris in 1964, prior to setting off for Madrid with plastic explosives intended for that very purpose. My next encounter with Luis was two years later, in Carabanchel Prison in Madrid as a result of a betrayal by a police agent, Inocencio Martínez. Luis and four other comrades were arrested in October 1966 by Franco’s secret police, the Brigada Político-Social (BPS) and accused of planning to kidnap the head of the US armed forces in Spain, Rear Admiral Norman Gillette and, allegedly, the exiled Argentinean politician Juan Perón. He was also accused of complicity in the Rome kidnapping, six months earlier, of Monsignor Marcos Ussiá, the 40-year old Spanish ecclesiastical attaché to the Vatican. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These actions were carried out under the auspices of the First of May Group, the autonomous international anarchist action group, which succeeded Defensa Interior following its dissolution by the CNT-FAI’s Toulouse leadership subsequent to my arrest in 1964. Luis and I shared a cell in the infamous sixth gallery of Carabanchel, the political wing. I had just turned twenty at the time and in fact it was he who first taught me how to shave, During that time we became close friends as well as comrades. I often recall, with pleasure, the lengthy discussions we had each evening after lock-up until ‘lights-out’ in which we seemed to cover every conceivable subject under the sun. Many of these strands of thought he dedicated to fine onion paper in minuscule hand which we later smuggled out of prison. Some of these theses appeared forty years later in his collection of theoretical essays under the title 'La Corriente'. Certainly, for an inexperienced and naïve youth such as myself, Luis, with his charisma and strong personality was the ideal teacher, mentor, and role model. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;They were interesting and educational times indeed and involved two escape attempts which were organised by Luis with help from an action group from Paris. The discovery of the plan, just before his trial, led to our separation and my transfer to the penitentiary of Alcalá de Henares in the summer of 1967. Tried by a civil Public Order Tribunal, something unusual in itself for anarchists who, like myself, were normally charged under military law with ‘Banditry and Terrorism’ and tried by a drumhead court-martial, Luis was sentenced to three years imprisonment for illegal association (membership of the Juventudes Libertarias), six years for illegal possession of arms, and a 25,000 peseta fine for possessing false identity documents. The sentence would have been considerably harsher had he been tried by a ‘Council of War’.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luis was released from Jaén prison in 1972, having run the gamut of many of Franco’s maximum security penitentiaries — including Soria and Segovia in which he organised escape committees and mounted a number of hunger strikes and mutinies, for which he spent months in the punishment cells. Arrested again in 1974 on charges of illegal association with the anarchist action groups of the &lt;a href="https://autonomies.org/2019/07/g-a-r-i-grupos-de-accion-revolucionaria-internacionalista/"&gt;GARI&lt;/a&gt; (Grupos de Acción Revolucionaria Internacional) and with complicity in the Paris kidnapping of Spanish banker Baltasar Suárez, Luis received a five-year prison sentence in February 1975 of which he served a little over two years, after being released in 1976 under a royal amnesty during the post-Francoist transition, in spite of having led the first major mutiny during his time in Barcelona’s Model Prison. It was a particularly painful period of imprisonment as he was separated from his partner, Rosita, and his two small children, Helios and Violeta who remained in Paris. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With Franco dead but his cohorts still in the driving seats of power, Luis played a key role in the CNT’s re-construction in Catalonia and was one of the organisers of the ‘Montjuic Meeting’, the first legal public gathering of the CNT since 1939 — an event which attracted 300,000 people, most of them a new generation of young libertarians. He was also a prime mover in organising the ‘Libertarian Days’, the Jornadas Libertarias, a week-long international anarchist festival which followed the Montjuic meeting and, for five extraordinary days in July, turned Barcelona into a international showcase for — and celebration of — anarchism. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But the transition period between 1976 and 1981 was also a time of major provocations by the rump of the Francoist power elite, the Búnker, desperate to hang on to their power and privileges, and desperate to avoid being brought to justice for their forty-year reign of criminality and terror. They and their new social-democratic partners were also anxious to discredit and neutralise the radical elements of the nascent CNT and the FAI — the so-called ‘Apache sector’. Again it was Luis who was in the forefront of exposing the Spanish State’s ‘Strategy of Tension’, which began in earnest in January 1977 with the massacre of five leftist lawyers in their offices in Atocha and which left four others seriously injured by the same Italian neo-fascists responsible for a similar terror campaign under way in Italy since 1968. These terrorists, and other parapoliticals of the SCOE (Servicio de Coordinación, Organización y Enlace), operated under the control of Rodolfo Martín Villa, Adolfo Suárez’s fascist minister of the interior and his notorious police commissioner, Roberto Conesa Escudero. The hands of Martin Villa and Escudero were also to be seen in the Scala fire of 15 January 1978 in which four people died, and the blame for which was laid at the door of the CNT. Luis was arrested again in 1980 and charged with ‘formación terrorista’ (organising a terrorist group) — conveniently shortly before the trial of the accused in the Scala case — with the prosecutor asking for a sentence of twenty years, but he was released on provisional liberty in August 1981 after the attempted Tejero coup. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The case against Luis was finally dropped in 1984 due to lack of evidence. In the subsequent twenty five years —right up until the evening before his death, and in spite of a seriously debilitating seven year illness, throughout which he was supported by his soulmate and partner, Doris Ensinger with whom he shared his life after finally separating from his first partner, Rosita, in 1981. Luis and Rosita had effectively separated in 1976 when he refused to return to Paris at such a pivotal moment in Spain’s history, while she and the children wouldn’t live in Barcelona. Luis and Doris began their relationship in 1978, living together as a couple from the day he was released from prison in August 1981. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Luis Andrés Edo remained always both an untiring activist and an intellectual dynamo of the international libertarian movement, constantly provoking thought and developing new anti-authoritarian ideas. His was the voice — the conscience if you like — of what he was proud to call ‘the Apache sector’, defending the anarchist principles of the CNT and fighting untiringly for the restoration of the union’s property and assets seized by the Francoists in 1939, and for justice for the victims of Francoism, particularly in the cases of Delgado and Granado the two young anarchists garrotted in 1963 for a crime of which they were innocent. And for at least two generations of young Spanish anarchists who came into contact with him, Luis Andrés Edo was undoubtedly the inspirational role model of the post-Francoist era. He was, to the clandestine libertarian anti-Francoist movement, what Jean Moulin was to the French Resistance. In 2002 Luis published La Corriente, (originally entitled El pensamiento antiautoritario) an anthology of his prison essays in which he explores his ideas on thought and action. and in 2006 he published his autobiographical memoirs: La CNT En La Encrucijada. Aventuras de un Heterodoxo (‘The CNT at the Crossroads. Adventures of a Maverick’) in which he traces the trajectory of his extraordinary life as a militant. Although Luis Andrés’s death at 83 left those whose lives he touched with a massive sense of regret and loss, he also left present and future generations a valuable legacy —his memory and his example. Écrasez l’Infâme!" Stuart Christie, 29 July 2011</text>
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                <text>"My first meeting with Miguel García García took place in the mid-1960s in the rotunda by the ‘primera’ galeria ( the administration wing) of Madrid’s Carabanchel Prison as he awaited ‘induction’. He was in transit to and from another penitentiary and was about to go into what was known as ‘periodo’ – a fortnight of sanitary isolation, ostensibly to prevent or limit the spread of disease. I was the practice nurse (practicante) for the 5th Gallery, a position that gave me the run of most of the prison and allowed me to liaise with comrades in different wings, especially with isolated transit prisoners or prisoners in solitary confinement. Miguel passed through Carabanchel on a number of occasions over the years, going backwards and forwards between penitentiaries and Yeserias, Spain’s central prison hospital in Madrid.&#13;
&#13;
Miguel and I struck up a close relationship, one that was to endure for a decade and a half until his death in December 1981. What particularly impressed me about him on our first meeting was his undoubted strength of character – forged by his experiences in the Resistance as an urban guerrilla and ‘falsificador‘ [forger], and in Franco’s prisons – and the extraordinary quality of his spoken English, a language he had acquired entirely from English-speaking prisoners. No other political prisoners I came across during my three years imprisonment in Franco’s jails had Miguel’s mastery of language, or his skills as a communicator. Our conversations centred on how to expose the repressive nature of the Francoist regime and raise the profile of Franco’s political prisoners in the international media, something I was in a position to do given my relatively privileged position as a foreign political prisoner and the access I had to the outside world through my by then extensive network of friendly functionaries in Carabanchel itself.&#13;
&#13;
In 1967, following receipt of a personal pardon from Franco, I was released from prison and, on my return to Great Britain, I became involved with the resuscitated Anarchist Black Cross, an anarchist prisoners’ aid organisation. The focus of our activities was international, but Franco’s prisoners were, naturally, because of my history and the continuing and intensifying repression in Spain, top of our agenda. The case of Miguel García García, one of the Anarchist Black Cross’s most prominent correspondents, was one that we regularly pursued with the international press and through diplomatic channels.&#13;
&#13;
Released in 1969, after serving twenty years of a thirty-year sentence (commuted from death), Miguel came to live with me in London. It took him a little time to acclimatise to the profound social and technological changes that had taken place in the world since his arrest as a young man in the Barcelona of 1949, changes that were even more profound in the ‘tolerant’ and ‘permissive’ London society of 1969. In fact, so great was the trauma that he literally was unable to speak for some months. The shock of his release had triggered a paralysis in some of the muscles in his throat, and, through Octavio Alberola then living under effective house arrest in Liege, we arranged for him to see a consultant in Belgium about his condition. The time with Octavio was well-spent and brought him up-to-date with what was happening within the European movement and the role of the International Revolutionary Solidarity Movement, which operated under the banner of the Grupo Primero de Mayo, a continuation of the clandestine anarchist Defensa Interior (DI), which had been tasked with the assassination of Franco.&#13;
&#13;
The First of May Group had recently emerged from the sabotaged (by Germinal Esgleas and Vicente Llansola) ruins of Defensa Interior (DI) as an international, anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist revolutionary organisation, structured to carry out spectacular direct actions. It took its name from the first operation carried out on 1 May 1966 when members of the group kidnapped the ecclesiastic adviser to the Spanish Embassy to the Vatican, Monsignor Marcos Ussia. Soon the group began taking in a much broader area of attack targeting, in particular, the US and European governments for their complicity in the imperialist war in Vietnam.&#13;
&#13;
BACK IN London, mainly with the moral and financial support of comrade Albert Meltzer, my co-editor of Black Flag and the driving force behind the revived Anarchist Black Cross (ABC), Miguel entered into a dynamic new phase of his life as the International Secretary of the ABC and a pivotal figure in the libertarian resistance to the Franco regime. With Albert he embarked on lengthy speaking tours of England, Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, West and East Germany, France, Belgium, Denmark and Italy, talking to a new generation of radicalised young Europeans about anarchism, international solidarity and, of course, the need to confront tyranny with practical cooperation and direct action.&#13;
&#13;
It could be said that the result of one of Miguel’s early talks – in a crowded meeting room at the offices of Freedom Press in London’s Whitechapel High Street in February 1970, shortly after his arrival in Britain – was to give rise to the so-called Angry Brigade, Britain’s first urban guerrilla group. Miguel’s voice was still weak so I had to do much of the talking for him, but as the evening wore on and the story of his adventures and deprivations at the hands of the Francoist authorities unfolded, that and the fact that his revolutionary spirit and determination remained clearly undiminished, it was clear he had made a deep emotional impression on the fifty or so young people in the audience. Here, in front of them, in person, was someone who had been in direct confrontation with a fascist state, who had been totally involved in resistance struggles, and who had paid a heavy penalty. Nor was it a purely historical struggle. Franco remained in power and a new internationally coordinated anarchist action group, the First of May Group, was carrying on that struggle.&#13;
&#13;
At Freedom Press that February night in 1970, the significance, the importance of the First of May Group, and the tradition it – and Miguel – sprang from, was not lost on the people crammed into the small room to hear Miguel García’s story. Among those present were some of the core activists later convicted in the historic ‘Angry Brigade’ trial: John Barker, Hilary Creek, Jim Greenfield and Anna Mendelson.&#13;
&#13;
Miguel’s flat in Upper Tollington Park, near North London’s Finsbury Park, soon drew visiting anarchists from all over the world. It also began to attract police attention once Miguel launched (with Albert’s help) the Centro Ibérico and International Libertarian Centre in London, a cosmopolitan venue that became a magnet for anarchists everywhere; it had been many years since there was such a thing as an international anarchist club in London, and its success was entirely due to Miguel’s powerful personality.&#13;
&#13;
In 1971 the Centro Ibérico moved to a large basement in Haverstock Hill to which came many extraordinary people, including survivors from innumerable political upheavals. Visitors included the Spanish militant and historian José Peirats and Emilienne Durruti, partner of Buenaventura Durruti. Another regular at the Centro Ibérico was ETA leader Pedro Ignacio Pérez Beotegui, also known as ‘Wilson’, who was involved in the planning of the December 1973 assassination of Franco’s protégé and deputy, prime Minister Carrero Blanco.&#13;
&#13;
The new Centro was entirely Miguel’s creation and he spent his whole time nurturing it, cutting himself off from any paid employment, even though he was well past what should have been retiring age anyway. Through Albert, however, he did extract a small pension from the British government.&#13;
&#13;
Phil Ruff, the Black Flag cartoonist who shared Miguel’s Upper Tollington Park flat after Albert moved to Lewisham, remembers accompanying Miguel on endless trips from Finsbury Park to Haverstock Hill, almost every night throughout the 1970s, to open up the Centro so that someone would be there if anyone dropped in. Often it was just Phil and Miguel looking at the paint peel off the walls and having a drink, but if someone did drop by Miguel would immediately make them welcome, cook up a paella, and start weaving his magic. He was without doubt a great communicator and would have made a wonderful hostage negotiator. Everybody left the Centro feeling they were Miguel’s best friend, and ready to slay dragons. He had a way of making you think that. He turned the basement into an internationally known place to go if you needed help in London; somewhere to find a welcome, food, a bed for the night, or a place to squat. He also brought people together from all over the world, becoming the birthplace for many affinity groups that were active in Central and South America, and Europe.&#13;
&#13;
In 1970-71 Albert was working in Fleet Street as a telephone reporter/copy-taker for The Daily Sketch, a right-wing British national tabloid newspaper, and after much discussion and argument – and believe me Miguel could be extremely argumentative and pugnacious – Albert finally convinced Miguel to write his memoirs. And so it was that the typescript of what was to become Franco’s Prisoner was hammered out between Miguel and Albert and typed up in a disused back room of one of Britain’s foremost Conservative populist newspapers – and paid for on the time of Associated Newspapers. The book, Franco’s Prisoner, was published in 1972 by the Rupert Hart-Davis publishing house, which had originally commissioned my book The Christie File, but reneged on the contract at the last moment because of the allegedly contentious nature of the material.&#13;
&#13;
As well as providing wide-ranging advice from abortion to legal aid to squatting, Miguel played a key role in many of the international defence campaigns run by the International Anarchist Black Cross at the time, including those of Julian Millan Hernandez and Salvador Puig Antich in Spain, and Noel and Marie Murray, two members of the Dublin Anarchist Group sentenced to death in Ireland for their alleged part in killing an off-duty Garda officer during a bank robbery in Dublin, in 1975.&#13;
&#13;
Salvador Puig Antich had been a regular visitor who accompanied Albert and Miguel on some of their speaking tours around Britain. Returning to France in August 1973 to take part in a conference of young activists to set up the anarchist defence group known as the MIL (Movimiento Ibérico de Liberación), Salvador Puig Antichwas involved a series of spectacular bank expropriations across Catalonia and Southern France. In September 1973, however, Puig Antich walked into a police ambush in Barcelona’s Calle Gerona in which he was wounded and a Francoist policeman was shot dead. Puig Antich, 25, was garrotted in Barcelona’s Modelo prison on 2 March 1974.&#13;
&#13;
After the military coup in Argentina on 24 March 1976, Miguel persuaded a lot of people to ‘lose’ their passports so that comrades fleeing to escape the Junta could adopt a temporary identity change. In June 1976 he installed a printing press in the basement at Upper Tollington Park, on which he printed a number of anarchist books in Spanish, including Anarquismo y Lucha de Clases (the Spanish translation of Floodgates of Anarchy, written by Albert Meltzer and myself) that he distributed in Spain. As well as printing identity documents, he also got together a group of young Spanish comrades in London to produce their own anarchist paper Colectivo Anarquista.&#13;
&#13;
In the late 1970s Miguel returned to his native Barcelona where, funded by the Spanish writer and former diplomat Jose Martin-Artajo, anarchistson of Franco’s foreign minister Alberto Martin-Artajo, he fulfilled one of his life’s ambitions – to open his own bar. La Fragua, a former forge at No 15 Carrer de la Cadena in Barcelona’s Raval District – not far from where pistoleros working for the Catalan employers’ organisation gunned down the noted CNT leader Salvador Segui and his friend Frances Comes in 1923 – opened for business in 1979. As with the Centro Ibérico, La Fragua became a Mecca for anarchists and libertarians from all over the world, and an important meeting place for the anarchist activist groups of the so-called ‘Apache sector’ centred around Luis Andres Edo in Barcelona.&#13;
&#13;
Miguel’s humanity was the most characteristic thing about him, that and his tenacity and ability to persevere and survive despite all odds. He was, without doubt, a pretty significant figure to the generation radicalised in the late 1960s and 1970s. Miguel had gone to prison fighting - and that was how he came out. He was untouched by the years of squabbling and in-fighting that characterised the life of the Spanish Libertarian Movement in exile. Miguel’s answer for any dire situation was always the same – ‘we must DO something!” His work with the Black Cross – providing practical aid to libertarian prisoners all over the world and making solidarity an effective springboard to militant action – influenced a new generation of anarchists not just in Spain but in many other parts of the world including Britain, France, Belgium, Italy and West Germany.&#13;
&#13;
I was living on the northern island of Sanday, in Orkney, for much of the time Miguel was in Barcelona, but we met whenever we could. In 1980, Brenda, my partner, went to work with him at La Fragua for six months, at his invitation, to help improve the bar’s menu. Miguel’s culinary skills, acquired in Franco’s prisons during times of great austerity, left much to be desired! It was on Sanday, one December evening in 1981, that I received an unexpected telephone call from Miguel who was back in London, in a nursing home, being treated for advanced TB. It was nice to hear from him and we chatted about this and that, but nothing in particular, and for that reason alone it was strange. Usually, when Miguel rang it was to arrange to do something or get something done. But on this occasion it was simply to talk, nothing else. He also spoke with Brenda, again about nothing in particular, and she promised to write him one of her long chatty letters the following day, which she did. Unfortunately, Miguel never received it. He died in the early hours of the following morning.&#13;
&#13;
Miguel García García’s life is a good pointer to what anarchism is in practice. Not a theory handed down by ‘men of ideas’, nor an ideological strategy, but the self-activity of ordinary people taking action in any way they can, in equality with others, to free up the social relationships that constitute our lives. Miguel García García may have lived a hard life, but it was a worthwhile life, and he was an inspiration to us all"&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>"I’ve just come across these long unseen negatives of my old friend Miguel García García (1908-1981) in the back garden of 123 Upper Tollington Park, c.1970-71. A CNT veteran of the Spanish Civil War and member of the anti-Francoist ‘Tallion’ urban guerrilla group, Miguel was arrested with 23 comrades in 1949, and sentenced to death in 1952 by a Francoist ‘Council of War’. The sentence was commuted to 30 years, but seven of his comrades were shot by firing squad at Barcelona’s Campo de la Bota; the others received long prison sentences. Miguel, whom I met and befriended in Madrid’s Carabanchel Prison in 1966 (as he describes in his prison memoir ‘Franco’s Prisoner’), was released in 1969 when he came to London to work as International Secretary of the Anarchist Black Cross. He and Albert Meltzer — with whom he shared a flat until he returned to Barcelona in the late 1970s were inseparable comrades and friends, travelling the length and breadth of Britain and Europe promoting the work of the Anarchist Black Cross. In fact it was one of Miguel’s ABC talks in London in 1970 that gave rise to the ‘Angry Brigade’. After Franco’s death, with the financial support of José Martín Artajo Miguel opened the renowned (in anarchist circles) bar ‘La Fragua’ in Barcelona’s calle Cadena, close to where CNT organiser Salvador Segui was murdered by government pistoleros in March 1923. In 1981 Miguel, suffering from advanced tuberculosis, returned to London for treatment. I’m sure he knew he was dying. One evening he rang me in Orkney where I was living and we had a particularly long and poignant conversation about old friends and common memories, which I thought strange at the time. Early next morning I had a phone call from the hospital to say he had passed away in the early hours of the morning. RIP, Miggers!"&#13;
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                <text>"12:00 pm, May 24, 1996: Lewisham Crematorium. Albert’s eulogy was delivered by Black Flag cartoonist and Sidney Street historian Philip Ruff, followed by stand-up comedian Noel James and Marlene Dietrich’s rendition of ‘See What the Boys in the Back Room Will Have’ and ‘Buddy Can You Spare a Dime’ movingly sung by David Campbell. Last words were from myself. Albert’s instructions to me (as one of his executors) was that he wanted ‘...to die in dignity, but my passing celebrated with jollity’, and that he wanted a stand-up comedian telling amusing anecdotes (which he did), and the coffin to slide into the incinerator to the sound of Marlene Dietrich. ‘If the booze-up can begin right away, so much the better, and with a bit of luck the crematorium will never be gloomy again. Anyone mourning should be denounced as the representative of a credit card company and thrown out on their ear. Snowballs if in season (tomatoes if not) can be thrown at abyone uttering even worthy cliches like ‘the struggle goes on’ and should anyone of a religious mind offer pieces of abstract consolation they should be prepared to dodge pieces of concrete confirmation.’"</text>
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Stuart Christie, July 2011</text>
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                <text>Barcelona, La Rambla, 1986&#13;
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"1946 – Sent to the Modelo prison for “pilfering from a goods train”, charged with having stolen a sack of potatoes (as part of a “campaign” to feed families during the hungry years)&#13;
1947 – On military service near the French-Spanish border, deserted for the first time on 27 December.&#13;
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1951 – First clandestine trip back to Spain.&#13;
1952 – In August, second clandestine trip to Spain. Arrested. Taken to the fortress in Figueres, convicted for desertion and jailed there until…&#13;
1954 – Escaped a second time.&#13;
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1961 . – Joined Defensa Interior.&#13;
1966 – Was arrested with comrades in Madrid in October and given a 9 year jail term, being freed in 1972 under the amnesty granted in relation to the MATESA affair.&#13;
1974 – Arrested in June in Barcelona following the abduction in Paris of the banker Baltasar Suárez. Freed under an amnesty in June 1976.&#13;
December 1976 – April 1977 – Coordinating Secretary of the Regional Committee of Catalonia (resigned together with other Regional Committee members).&#13;
October 1980. – Arrested in the wake of Lucio Uturbia’s arrest in Paris and questioned for a fortnight under “anti-terrorist legislation”. Held until August 1981. Tried in October 1984 and acquitted of all charges.&#13;
1985-1987. – Director of Solidaridad Obrera.&#13;
December 1988. – Appointed secretary of the Catalonian Regional Committee, holding this post until he resigned in 1990 after making a complaint of corruption against Prenafeta and being shunned and criticised by a number of comrades and trade unions.&#13;
December 1988. – Elected president of the Fundación Anselmo Lorenzo (a post he held until June 1989).&#13;
1990-2002. – Elected four times on to the board of the Fundació d’Estudis Llibertaris y anarcosindicalistes (FELLA).&#13;
1993. – Co-organiser of the ‘Anarchist World Exhibition’.&#13;
2003 – Published La Corriente. The manuscript was written surreptitiously while in prison in 1968. Published by the FELLA.&#13;
2006. – Published La CNT en la encrucijada. Aventuras de un heterodoxo (publisher, Ed.Flor de Viento, Barcelona)."&#13;
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Stuart Christie, July 2011</text>
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